what controversies met the revolution in africawhat controversies met the revolution in africa
Some ten years after the process of the formation of independent states began on a big scale, the African reality shows considerable differentiation. In South Africa in particular the Trotskyist movement has a long tradition going back thirty years; it has many cadres tempered in a struggle that has been marked by an especially harsh repression; it has been able to win a place in the front ranks of the anti-imperialist organizations; and it has worked out, with the aid of the International, a correct line of armed insurrection based on the peasant masses. In addition to the resistance already referred to of the conservative social layers, two factors served in particular as a brake in the revolutionary process: the composition and structure of the state apparatus and the government in general and the defectiveness of the party. The ruling political layer has crystallized progressively through a series of privileges, associated in origin, in Guinea as elsewhere, with the exercise of functions (advantages drawn from the very high remuneration granted to functionaries in the colonial administration, even special remuneration granted retroactively, material advantages more or less in accordance with posts in the hierarchy, etc.). In the social field, the following class interests and social layers stood in opposition: (a) the industrial working class and the workers of self-managed farms; (b) the poor peasants; (c) the poor masses in the towns; (d) the urban petty bourgeoisie (white collar workers, intellectuals, etc. Workers control should be the concrete form for carrying this out. Egypt differs markedly from the other African countries, having a much more advanced economic structure in which the specific weight of the industrial sector has grown considerably. In general these layers swell completely out of proportion to their real functions and assume privileges for themselves that are all the more hated in view of the miserable standard of living of virtually the entire population. The revolution began under a revolutionary petty-bourgeois leadership that revolted against the incapacity and corruption of the old regime. In 1920 Lenin described the technique thus: 'lt is necessary constantly to explain and expose among the broadest masses of the toilers of all countries, and particularly of the backward countries, the deception systematically by the imperialists in creating, under the guise of politically independent states, states that are wholly dependent upon them economically, financially and militarily. So far as the expansion of production is concerned, this has not yet yielded substantial results. Last but not least, capital did not flow toward the modern economic sectors; its owners generally preferring speculation or real estate. Most often it is not even succeeding in keeping up with the growth of the population. Up to the present the national liberation struggle in Africa has been by and large inspired and led by the bourgeoisie. (d) On the economic level in general, a mixed economy was envisaged in which the public sectorgovernment operated or self-managedwas conceived as coming to be the most dynamic, the specific weight of the private sector being gradually limited. In the final analysis this is a product of the intrinsic weakness of these systems which are incapable of freeing themselves from foreign domination, of guaranteeing the indispensable economic takeoff, and of ameliorating however little the standard of living of the masses. An essential problem remaining to be clarified is the attitude to be taken toward the national bourgeoisie, which in Nigeria is not as spectral as in some other African countries, and which in any case has already revealed beyond mistake its conservative and pro-imperialist nature. (b) The existence of a relatively substantial nucleus of an indigenous ruling class in comparison with other African countries. The anti-imperialist measures - of which the nationalization of the Suez Canal was the most spectacular - strengthened the new regime, whose prestige spread to the other countries of the Middle East. This great leap in the understanding of the African masses is one of the main sources for the enormous pressure in all these countries to expropriate the imperialist properties, to block the birth and crystallization of national capitalist sectors (or to eliminate them progressively where they exist), to carry out agrarian reforms, to introduce a monopoly of foreign trade and to block out economic plans, to strike at the power of the traditional ruling classes linked with the foreign imperialists and their economic system and to establish close ties with the workers states. In November 1964 handicraft diamond operations were banned. In reality, the bureaucracy was rooted in the party as well as the trade unions, the proclamations about the need to separate the state apparatus and the party apparatus remaining without practical results up to now. (k) In maintaining respect for the freedom of religion and opposition to any administrative or repressive measure in this field, it must not be forgotten that religion plays an objectively conservative role as an ideological cement. This involves maintaining a high ground rent collected by private proprietors. This could occur in the future, for example, by the overlapping of the commercial sectors with sectors of members of the political apparatus. As yet, history has not furnished us with an example of any country achieving this without a deep-going revolutionary mobilization of the masses except where the change has been accomplished through the military action of the Soviet bureaucracy. The presence of a left tendency thoroughly aware of the dynamics of the struggle and the objectives to be achieved, and linked with the masses, is a requisite for success, that is, the culmination of the mobilization of the masses in the establishment of a workers state. Self-management does not end the need to use the right to strike, economic highhandedness not having been eliminated on a national economic level. The political ruling layer, the source of which is in general the party and trade-union apparatuses (at the top, moreover, the same people are often involved), receives its income on the basis of the functions it performs in the state, the government, the economic machine, etc. This has also been reflected in foreign policy, where the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms. by. Stormjaers: an Afrikaans term meaning 'stormtroopers'. 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The outstanding feature of contemporary Egypt is its ripeness for the establishment of workers state and the ease with which a proletarian victory can occur there with the resurgence of the masses. Ruling dynasties are withering and the powers that be are trembling. Over the last 30 years, China's funding for research and development has grown by a factor of over a hundred from just over $3 billion to over $400 billion. (b) During the Ben Bella period, the functioning of the party and the leading bodies of the state were certainly not guided by the criterion of revolutionary democracy; and the way the new crew came to power was such as to still further reduce their role, to increase the distrust and skepticism of the masses, and to further restrict the participation of broad sectors from political life. To accomplish this it is necessary to organize genuine revolutionary parties of the workers and the poor peasants, to fight for the complete expropriation of capitalist property, for genuine workers management of the expropriated enterprises, against any crystallization and consolidation of a privileged bureaucratic layer. Historically the regimes of Verwoerd, Smith and Portuguese colonialism are obviously hopelessly doomed. Only thus can the working class achieve hegemony of the African revolution. It is the idea that rejected Ptolemaic model (earth is the center of the solar system . It can be said quite aptly that for them independence amounts to a flag and a national anthem. As for the masses, the delay in the new agrarian reform, which was frequently promised but always postponed, and the persistence of crying inequities between the situations in the cities and hilly regions on the one hand and most of the other sectors on the other led to passivity among the majority of the poor peasants and loss of interest in the revolution. In any case the task of the revolutionary forces at the present stage is to struggle in such a way that Verwoerds possible downfall would involve the unleashing of a process of permanent revolution and not the reorganization of the country on a neocolonial basis. Term. However, a rather clear social stratification exists that does entail class conflicts. 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